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IntroductionKurdistan uezd, colloquially known as Red Kurdistan (Kurdistana Sor) was organized as an ''uezd'' meaning an autonomous administration, established by the Soviet Union in Azerbaijan from 1923 to 1929. Its capital and administrative center was Lachin; it included the towns of Kalbajar, Kubatli, and Zangelan and the administrative subdivisions of Karakushlak, Koturli, Murad Khanli, and Kurd-haji. Kurdistan uezd comprised an area about half the size of Lebanon (McDowall: 492). The administration was home to an almost entirely Kurdish population, according to Amoev and Mosaki, the majority of Kurds in Azerbaijan, who formed the vast majority of Kurds in the USSR, lived on Kurdistan uzed territory in 1926. Education, broadcasting, and publishing were conducted in Kurdish.Kurdistana Sor: Kurdish Autonomy in the Soviet CaucasusKurdistan uezd, the zenith of the Kurdish experience in the soviet Caucasus, came about in the greater context of the Soviet nation-building program, one of the operations of which was the Leninist policy of indigenization or nativization (Korenizatsiia), announced in 1923. Korenizatsiia aimed to reduce hostilities and the splintering of national minorities by integrating them into burgeoning Soviet structures. Yuri Slezkine, a Russo-American Sovietologist has described the policy as "the most extravagant celebration of ethnic diversity that any state had ever witnessed." Kurds formed one of over 100 recognized nationalities in the Soviet polity. Professor J. Otto Pohl describes Korenizatsiia concisely:<blockquote>&nbsp;“Korenizatsiia officially started in 1923 and sought to promote the Sovietization of non-Russian nationalities by supporting their national development within a socialist framework. This included support for educational and cultural institutions in their native languages as well as policies to increase their membership in Soviet state and party organs and among industrial workers (Pohl, 2017: 32).&nbsp;</blockquote>In practice, Korenizatsiia meant the central promotion of native languages in education, official and cultural institutions, and the designation of national territories for minorities. Members of minority groups were also trained and placed into cadres, industries, and Soviet-state party organs. These institutions could be a medium of national expression, but within a socialist framework. The formula was nationalist in form, and socialist in content.&nbsp; The granting of national rights, permitting minorities to preserve their identity and language was underpinned by Lenin's belief that there existed a ''good'' nationalism among oppressed nations who simply longed for freedom, in contrast with the ''bad nationalism'' of imperialist nations. The Bolshevik revolutionaries inherited the Tsarist empire, which according to Lenin was ''the prison-house of nations''. To prevent the rise of Russian chauvinism which could push minorities to seek independence, Lenin’s policies turned away from Russification and leaned into Sovietization. As a result, briefly, Kurds were granted autonomy. This indigenization policy served to 'contain' the threat of nations attempting to break away from the Soviet Union. Kurdistan uezd existed until 1929, the year that the sixth Azerbaijani Congress of Soviets reformed administrative structures. Consequently, all uezds were absorbed into okrugs which were bigger administrative units. However, an even bigger administration bearing the name of Kurdistan came about. In May 1930, ''Kurdistan Okrug'' was carved out of the Nagorno-Karabakh Okrug, again its center was Lachin, and the territory extended to the Soviet-Iranian border. Kurdistan Okrug was abolished in July 1930. A region entitled Kurdistan was not created again, and the circumstances of Kurds in the Soviet Union evolved differently in &nbsp;Azerbaijan and Armenia.&nbsp;After the dissolution of the Kurdistan Okrug, Kurdish classes and publications resumed from 1931 to 1936 in Azerbaijan. The efforts were however insufficient, according to Yilmaz (2014), by 1938 only 808 students had received some Kurdish language education in 12 schools. The demography of Kurds was changed as well, the 1926 census listed 41,193 Kurds in Azerbaijan while the 1939 census listed only 6,005 (Amoev and Mosaki, 18, 32). This decrease in the official numbers occurred primarily due to the identification of people previously listed as Kurds in 1926 as Azeris in 1939. Thus, it is unverifiable how many Kurds were incorporated into the Bolshevik Republics but 200,000 to 300,000 is the general estimate. (McDowall:491). In Azerbaijan, many Kurds assimilated into the Azeri culture, due to the passage of time, political chauvinism, or the similarities in cultures and beliefs. Still, even during the existence of Kurdistan uezd, only 17% of the estimated 41,000 Kurds in Azerbaijan considered Kurdish to be their mother tongue (Ibid). According to Yilmaz, in Kurdistan Uezd , ''only 3,123 of them spoke Kurdish'' (Yilmaz, 2014: 813) while the majority spoke Azeri.Subsequent Policies and Their Aftermath&nbsp;By the late 1930s and early 1940s, policies of ethnic cleansing replaced indigenization. Kurds were no longer categorized as a small nation but as an enemy nation, subject to assimilation (Leezenberg, 2015: 756). The Kurds were represented as feudal, backward, illiterate, religious fanatics. Additionally, Sheikh Said was 'considered to be an agent of imperialism' (Yılmaz, 2014: 808, 810). In 1937, more than 1,000 Kurdish families were deported. In 1944, eve more Kurds were deported to Kazakhstan and Central Asia (Pohl, 2017: 32). Martin (2001,313) partially attributed the ethnic cleansing policies to Soviet xenophobia. After Stalin’s death in 1953, ‘korenizatsiia’ was revived in the USSR but Kurdish cultural activities or autonomous structures did not resume in Azerbaijan. In contrast, Kurds in Armenia were part of great literary and cultural developments (Leezenberg, 2015: 757). &nbsp;Kurdish intellectuals and writers of the Former Soviet Union contributed greatly to the development of the Kurmanji dialect and literature. The Latin Kurdish alphabet organized by Miqdad Bedirkhan was improved upon by Aisor Margulov and Erebe Shemo in 1927. Textbooks, folklore and children's collections, and the newspaper "Riya Teza '' (New Path) were published in Yerevan. Publishing and education in the 1930s were led by Kurdish Yezidi intelligentsia, such as; Casimê Celîl, Qanatê Kurdo, Heciyê Cindî, and Emînê Evdal (Yüksel, 2011: 309–18). Additionally, the initial Kurdish novels originated from Armenia. The first Kurdish novel, ''Siwane Kurmanca'' was written by Erebe Shemo and published in Yerevan in 1935. Other Kurdish novels were written by Eliyê Evdirehman's (Xatê Xanîm, 1959) and Dê (Mother, 1965), Heciyê Cindî's Hewarî (Cry, 1967) and Gundê Mêrxasa (The Village of the Courageous, 1968), and Seîdê Îbo's Kurdên Rêwe in 1981. Also, Radio Yerevan, managed by Casime Celil, broadcasted and archived Kurdish plays and songs of dengbej while the Kurdish language was banned in Turkey and other nation-states; the radio allowed many Kurds to learn Kurdish.&nbsp;Kurdish theater also developed significantly in the USSR. In the 1920s, cultural actors in Armenia like Hakob Ghazaryan and Ahmedi Mirzai &nbsp;staged Kurdish plays like Mîrazî's Zemanê Çûyî (The Time Passed) and Lazo's Gustîl (Ring) and Qelen (Dowry). This Kurdish theater group performed in Tbilisi and Armenian villages. By the 1930s, Kurdish plays were printed in Armenia. Those included Qutiya Dû-Dermanan (Medicine Box, 1934) by Hecîyê Cindî (1909–90), Zemanê Çûyî (1935) by Ahmedê Mîrazî and Reva Jinê (The Abduction of a Woman, 1935) by Wezîrê Nadirî (1911–47). In 1937, the first and only state-supported Kurdish theater in the world was created in Alagyaz, a village mainly populated by Yezidi Kurds in Armenia.&nbsp;ConclusionIn the 20th century, Kurdish intellectuals in the Armenian Soviet Republic created a Kurdish Cyrillic alphabet, collected folklore, compiled textbooks, promoted teaching in Kurdish, and significantly enriched Kurdish literature and arts. These achievements reveal the importance of literacy in the mother tongue in enriching one's national culture and preserving one's ethnic identity.&nbsp; ReferencesAjam Media Collective (2021). Casimê Celîl Archives. [online] Ajam Media Collective. Available at: https://ajammc.com/tag/casime-celil/ [Accessed 22 May 2024].Bocheńska, J. (2018). Rediscovering Kurdistan’s cultures and identities : the call of the cricket. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.Gunter, M.M. (2010). Historical Dictionary of the Kurds. Scarecrow Press.Hamit Bozarslan, Cengiz Gunes and Veli Yadirgi (2021). The Cambridge History of the Kurds. Cambridge University Press.Leezenberg, M. (2015). ‘A People Forgotten by History’: Soviet Studies of the Kurds. Iranian Studies, [online] 48(5), pp.747–767. Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/24483017 [Accessed 22 May 2024].Mcdowall, D. (2021). A Modern History of the Kurds. London, Uk: I.B. Tauris.Özlem Belçim Galip (2015). Imagining Kurdistan. Bloomsbury Publishing.Pohl, J.Otto. (2022). Soviet Nationality Policy towards Kurds, 1917-1956. [online] Kulturní studia / Cultural Studies. Available at: https://kulturnistudia.cz/soviet-nationality-policy-towards-kurds-1917-1956/ [Accessed 22 May 2024].The Kurdistan Memory Programme (n.d.). History of the Kurds . [online] kurdistanmemoryprogramme.com. Available at: https://kurdistanmemoryprogramme.com/history-of-the-kurds/.Yilmaz, H. (2014). The Rise of Red Kurdistan. Iranian Studies, [online] 47(5), pp.799–822. Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/24483003 [Accessed 23 Jan. 2024].

Red Kurdistan: Political Autonomy and Kurdish Cultural Revival in the Former Soviet Union

Introduction:&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Water resources are a key factor in protecting nature and ensuring a suitable environment for humans. However, public knowledge about the importance of water resources is very limited and therefore scientific and practical work is needed to raise the level of citizens' perception and appreciation of the issue of water resources.International organizations, especially the United Nations, have concluded that water will be the major issue of the 21st century, and this belief has been emphasized at all international conferences since the Dublin Conference in 2014 in New York. [1]“Surface water is the water sources that flow throughout the year, i.e. permanent rivers, along with sources formed after rainfall and melting snow, i.e. seasonal rivers,” In this regard, the amount of rainfall and snowmelt affect surface and groundwater. [2]Although the use of water and the way it is used has changed throughout history, water resources have been regarded as an economic and social asset at all stages of history. Misuse of water resources is no different from their absence, and many of the negative impacts faced by humans have been and are still associated with mismanagement of water resources.[3]Water income as an economic asset has played a major role in the survival and development of human beings and their activities. Humans have always sought to secure water resources in nature.&nbsp;At the same time, water resources as a social asset are intertwined with human health and spirituality. Through water resources, collective social traditions have emerged that have influenced people's psychologies. Water has constantly affected the human body and soul. In our time, the threat of drought, pollution and misuse of water resources makes it necessary for us to find new strategies for water resource management that will result in the protection of the environment and nature. Raising public awareness of the importance of water can even create new job and business opportunities in relation to water resources, which will be beneficial for the economy and change the way water is used.Research Aims:&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;In this study, water resources refer to surface water, which includes all exposed water bodies on the Earth's surface, the most important of which are streams, rivers, lakes, and seas.This study attempts to present the position and importance of water resources in relation to tourism in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. For this purpose, the study analysis several specific studies on this subject and tries to re-present these studies from the perspective of water resources and highlight the position of water resources as a major factor for the survival or non-survival of tourism in Kurdistan.Research Hypothesis:&nbsp;1. &nbsp; &nbsp; Are water resources a key criterion for determining tourist destinations? In other words, Is it the main pillar of tourism?2. &nbsp; &nbsp; To what extent is the issue of tourism in Kurdistan linked to the issue of water resources?3. &nbsp; &nbsp; Can tourist destinations exist in the Kurdistan Region without water resources? Tourist areas in the Kurdistan Region&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Water resources are closely related to the emergence and development of tourism and affect tourism activities directly and indirectly, in a way that a large part of tourism activities are directly related to water resources.[4] The Kurdistan Region, compared to other parts of Iraq, has more tourist areas and more favorable weather and more rain and snow, these factors have encouraged the emergence of many tourist destinations in the Kurdistan Region. This is especially evident when one looks at the significant number of tourists from other parts of Iraq that visit the tourist destinations of the Kurdistan Region. One of the main reasons for the existence of these tourist areas, in addition to suitable water and atmosphere, is the presence of a significant number of rivers, lakes and streams in Kurdistan that have strengthened the ground for tourist areas. Surface water includes all water bodies that are visible on the earth, the most important of which are streams, rivers, lakes, seas, and oceans.[5] The Kurdistan Region has many such rivers, the most important of which are: Teet, Siwayl, Great and Little Zabs, Jogesur, Balkh and Mawat. Many of these rivers have other tributaries, some seasonal and some permanent, such as the Sewell River and its tributaries, Qzalche and Shler, as well as other tributaries that flow into the Sewell such as Kanar and Mirawa. These rivers and their seasonal and permanent tributaries could become the basis of many more tourist areas, but so far, they are underused due to their seasonality. One of the main sources of &nbsp;surface water in the Kurdistan Region is the Tigris River, all five of whose tributaries flow through Kurdistan. [6] Furthermore, for all rivers, and their seasonal tributaries, the amount of rain and snow have large effects on their growth and sustainability. One of the reasons for the underuse of these rivers seems to be due to the geographical location of the rivers, for example in the Raperin area, where most of the rivers are located in mountainous and valley areas, but they can become important tourist destinations. Many of these rivers cover a large area such as the Little Zab, and also have many tributaries such as the Hisop, Qashan and Shaware. Most of these rivers have tourism potential but are underutilized. Water resources affect tourism activities directly and indirectly.[7] In other words, a large part of water resources constitutes the main source of tourism and without them tourism areas will collapse. River and lake water, for example, are the main source for many of the activities in these tourist areas, such as swimming, boating, sailing, and fishing that are directly connected to the water. The indirect effects of water resources on tourism, can be highlighted by discussing the natural environment that provides water resources for tourism destinations. In some tourist areas, for example in Sulaimani province, the abundance of surface water resources has led to the emergence of a large number of tourist areas. As Amanj Jalal Ahmad's research shows, in the province of Sulaimani, out of 26 projects, 21 are directly affected by water resources. This is due to the presence of Dukan Lake, small rivers and streams. Meanwhile, the flow of large rivers such as the Little Zab, which is about 407 kilometers long, can support many more tourist areas. This river also connects many villages and districts of the region, including the Pishdar and Bitwan plains and reaches Dubz and Altun Kupri through different branches. However, as the study found, the use of the Little Zab in tourism is limited, while it can become a major tourism support due to the suitability of the river and its tributaries. For example, the water temperature of the Little Zab is about 20 degrees and is suitable for tourism activities. The closeness of the Little Zab to the districts has also made it easy to travel to the banks of the river. The Little Zab because of its location has beautiful scenery and it is also rich in fish and its banks are covered with trees. The same is true for the Tabin River, which flows alongside several villages and can make these villages very attractive tourist areas. Apart from Gali Khdran resort, which is a crowded tourist destination, there are no other tourist destinations in the area, or if there are any, they are without services. This is despite the fact that the presence of many forests in the area, can be used to develop tourism. Charmga stream, Khri Saraw and Kalkan streams and many other streams are in this area but they have not been utilized. Additionally, in the same area, there exists several lakes and ponds, such as Begel Pond, which is formed by the melting snow of the Qandil mountain range and has created a beautiful natural landscape. But the most important of all these water resources is the Dukan Lake, which covers about 250 square kilometers and originates from the Little Zab. The Dukan Dam, which was built to prevent floods, to promote irrigation, electricity generation, fishing, and tourism, has become an attractive tourist destination due to the surrounding mountains. The lake has a coastline of about 145 kilometers, which can become a tourist city in some certain locations. Unlike many countries that have a large number of lakes and seas, but due to cold water and air can not use their water resources for tourism, all lakes and rivers in Kurdistan, almost in all four seasons have the ability to attract tourists due to suitable weather. As the research of Rebaz Luqman Mustafa shows, Penjwen district is rich in seasonal streams and rivers that are created by heavy rains and can be used for tourism. Penjwen also has permanent rivers that have a natural stream of water throughout the year, because groundwater accounts for most of the water of these rivers. For example, the Shler River, which has water in all four seasons, consists of the confluence of three other small rivers, Mishaw, Spikan and Shahidan, and many other wells. All these rivers occupy a certain area that can become the basis of a good tourist destination. Although several tourist areas such as Sarsuraw, Sheikh Alwan and Goli have been established, much larger tourist areas could be established. Seasonal streams, which are water sources formed by melting mountain snow and rain, can become the basis of seasonal tourist areas. In Pinjwen district, for example, there are many streams such as Darokhan, Wene and Dole Soor that are flooded in winter and spring and can embrace tourists for these seasons. These areas have a lot of groundwater and become many tourist attractions in the form of springs, wells, and streams. Restructuring the relationship between water resources and tourism&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;In previous discussions, based on field research, the fact that tourism in the Kurdistan Region is largely linked to water resources was emphasized. In fact, this relationship is such that water resources are transformed into a major factor in the emergence, sustainability, and development of tourist destinations in the Kurdistan Region. At the same time, the presence of a large number of lakes, seasonal streams and rivers with their seasonal and permanent tributaries, can be a direct support for the further development of the tourism economy in Kurdistan. This economy can create more jobs and become a strong source of revenue for the Kurdistan Region. This issue is of particular importance for further economic independence and diversification of the Kurdistan Region so that the economy doesn’t solely depend on unpredictable oil revenues.&nbsp;However, this relationship must be two-way. In other words, water resources will be a major &nbsp;support for tourism in the Kurdistan Region and at the same time the tourism economy should be a factor in maintaining, protecting, and developing water resources. Not only should the tourism economy not be built on drying up and wasting water resources, but on the contrary, it can become a factor in further regulating and protecting water resources in the Kurdistan Region. These wise and strategic uses create a two-way relationship between water revenues and tourism, in which a certain part of the tourism economy is allocated to the conservation and promotion of water resources. Water use tax collection will be implemented in tourist destinations to prevent water wastage and generate revenue to conserve water resources. This two-way process will eventually be a strong supporter of tourist destinations and The Kurdistan Region’s economy. Conclusion&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;This study shows that in general, water resources are a major factor in the emergence and development of tourism destinations in the Kurdistan Region. The value and strategic nature of this national asset becomes more apparent when it is linked to the issue of tourism in the Kurdistan Region. In the region, there are favorable conditions for increasing and developing these tourist destinations, both in number and quality. The tourism economy can become a strategic source of revenue for the Kurdistan Region and can help achieving economic diversification and independence in the region. This will occur when water resources are used more wisely, which will be the basis for the development and expansion of tourist destinations. This study shows that the Kurdistan Region has many water resources that are either unused or poorly used. Restructuring the relationship between water resources and tourism can effectively preserve and develop both issues and use them in public service. &nbsp;References&nbsp; [1] Mohammed Amin, Hawre Yasin, Geography of Natural Resources, Ghazalnoos Printing House, Sulaimani 2015, p. 213 [2] Mustafa, Rebaz Luqman, Geographical Capabilities of Tourism Planning and Development in Penjwen District Using GIS, Sulaimani University, Master's Thesis, Unpublished, 2016, p. 49 [3] Muhammad Amin, Azad, Geography of Natural Resources, Dar Al-Hekma Press, Baghdad, 1990, p. 2. [4] Mohammed, Atman Mohammed, Geographical Principles of Tourism Planning in Sharbazher District, Master's Thesis (Unpublished), 2015 p.48 [5] Mohammed Amin, Hawre Yasin, Geography of Natural Resources, Ghazalnoos Printing House, Sulaimani 2015, p. 232&nbsp; [6] Yousef, Azhin Anwar, Natural Capabilities of Tourism Planning and Development in Mountainous Areas of Raperin Administration, Raperin University Master's Thesis (Unpublished), 2017 p. 102[7] Ahmad, Amanj Jalal, Geographical Analysis of Tourism Development Capabilities in Dukan District, Koya University, Master's Thesis, Unpublished, Newroz 2715, p. 80&nbsp;

The Role of Natural Water Resources in the Development of the Tourism sector in the Kurdistan Region in Iraq

Abstract&nbsp;This article explores the coinciding development of Kurdish journalism and Kurdish nationalism across Greater Kurdistan in the 20th century. It also underscores the role of journalism in preserving the Kurdish language and advancing Kurdish nationalism.IntroductionThe Kurdish language has endured significant challenges stemming from feudalism and occupation throughout its history. Feudal systems often suppressed linguistic diversity, favoring dominant languages for administrative and cultural purposes, relegating Kurdish to the margins. Equally, the Kurdish language faced significant challenges due to the historical dominance and widespread influence of Arabic, Turkish, and Persian languages (Gunter, 2018). Arabic served as the language of religious and legal discourse, while Ottoman Turkish was utilized for administrative purposes within the state, meanwhile Persian was viewed as the language associated with high culture and intellectual pursuits (Gunter, 2018). These linguistic dynamics contributed to the suppression and relegation of Kurdish dialects, inhibiting their development and recognition within broader society (ibid). Moreover, the lack of written Kurdish literature and the dominance of oral traditions had caused a rise in illiteracy for Kurds and made it more challenging for the Kurdish language to survive amongst the other languages (Hassanpur, 1996). Indeed, periods of occupation by various empires and later modern states further exacerbated these struggles, with rulers imposing linguistic policies that sought to diminish Kurdish identity and assimilate its speakers. These pressures restricted opportunities for Kurdish language development, education, and cultural expression, perpetuating a cycle of marginalization and endangerment. Despite these obstacles, attempts were made by prominent Kurdish figures to keep the Kurdish language alive. Against the rule of the occupying Ottomans, Persians, and Arabs, two prominent figures in Kurdish nationalism, Ehmede Khani (1651-1706) and Haji Qadri Koyi (1817-1897), asserted that Kurdish sovereignty could only be attained through a combination of literary tradition symbolized by the pen and political authority represented by the sword (Hassanpour, 1996). Haci Qadiri Koyi urged the Kurdish intelligentsia to make use of modern tools, namely journals and newspapers to communicate to the masses in Kurdish.<blockquote>A hundred epistles and odes are not worth a penny [anymore]&nbsp;&nbsp;Newspaper and magazines have [now] become valuable and respected.</blockquote>Despite their advocacy, the oral tradition remained dominant among Kurds until the late 19th and early 20th centuries (ibid). The rise of written Kurdish literature and journalism coincided with the rise of modern Kurdish nationalism. According to Kreyenbroek (1990: 56), 'Over the 19th century, something like a Kurdish nationalism began to develop’’ thereafter, Kurdish intellectuals began writing periodicals, some of which promoted the liberation of Kurdistan. This is reaffirmed by Hassanpour (1991), who writes that the transition from oral tradition to print culture was motivated by ethnic or nationalist awareness. The congruent development of Kurdish nationalism and journalism is unsurprising. In part, the mutual reinforcement is due to linguistic reasons. The suppression of the Kurdish language by nation-states was part of systemic assimilation and denialist efforts. These policies made it so that Kurdish became a&nbsp; a primary component of the Kurdish identity itself; the language as a marker that distinguishes the Kurds as a nation. As (Galip, 2015) mentions, it is often thought that the death of the Kurdish language is equal to the death of the Kurdish nation. Therefore, preserving the Kurdish language became akin to preserving Kurdish identity.&nbsp;The repression of the Kurdish language has been a systematic effort by central states since the borders of 1918 were established. In attempting to homogenize the peoples within their borders, the nation-states of Iran, the Republic of Turkey, and later Arab states (especially Syria) systematized the suppression of the Kurdish language through the centralization and modernization policies in their nation and state-building programs. These programs required violent methods used by state builders to employ against minorities perceived as 'outsiders. The homogenization of peoples requires the state builders to define the state, impose a normative order, and cultivate an identity (based on the dominant ethnicity) to create a unified, mono-ethnic citizenry. Usually, the elites of the most powerful or majority ethnic group take over. In post-Qajar Iran, it was the Pahlavis who took charge of the state apparatus and subordinated the 'outsiders'. Heather Rae defines the strategies of pathological homogenization in terms of legal attempts to exclude minority groups from citizenship rights, forced conversion, assimilation, expulsion, and extermination strategies. Centralization strategies implemented by elites follow the Westphalian state model - imbued with industrialized economies, and state-controlled nationalist projects to reconstruct or create states - that in practice are heavily exclusionist. The imposition of dominant nationhood would not leave any space - socially, politically, or economically - to accommodate the aspirations and culturally expressive activities of minorities. In Iran, this manifested in the suppression of non-Persian cultures and identities (Matthee, 2003: 137, 139). All languages except Persian were suppressed in education, media, and public administration until the abdication of Reza Shah in 1941 (Jaffer Sheyholislami: 643). Similarly, the Kurdish language was subject to several bans by the Republic of Turkey. In its early nation-building stages, the state imposed Turkish as the lingua franca despite Turkish society being a multi-lingual one. Turkey's language policies towards Kurdish could be described as an attempted linguicide, as they were heavily assimilative ( Arsalan, 2015). Kurdish was banned in educational and public spheres (Hassanpour 1992; Skutnabb-Kangas 2012; Fernandes 2012; O'Driscoll 2014). In the name of article 42.9 of the constitution, Turkish became the official language of instruction, facilitating the bans on teaching in Kurdish (HRW,1997). Following the coup of 1980, Law No. 2932, passed in 1983, prohibited publishing and broadcasting in any language besides Turkish, consequently, Kurdish was banned in the private sphere as well. The argument that language plays a central role in nationalism and nation-building is reinforced by the facts stated above. Seeing that the central states of Iran, Turkey, and Syria endorsed Persian, Turkish, and Arabic, the centrality of language to nationalism is elucidated. Likewise, for the Kurds, the Kurdish language was inherently tied to Kurdish nationalism. As such, efforts to preserve and publish in Kurdish have largely been made by Kurdish political nationalist actors.&nbsp;Kurdish Journalism in the Ottoman Republic and The Republic of TurkeyUnder the Ottoman Empire, all journals and books published in Kurdish were printed outside of Kurdistan; in Cairo, Baghdad, and Istanbul, where censorship was less effective. This included the first Kurdish newspaper – Kurdistan, first published on April 22, 1898, in Cairo by Miqdad Madhat Bedirkhan. A prominent Kurdish intellectual, Miqdad Bedirkhan embarked on the publication of Kurdistan with a dual aim: to elevate the prominence of Kurdistan while simultaneously leveraging its content to advance Kurdish education in their native language (Sapan, 2023). Furthermore, the newspaper served as a platform for exposing the injustices perpetrated by the Ottoman Sultan and his officials, shedding light on the struggles faced by the people (ibid). As it was published under Ottoman rule, the journal was quickly censored. As a result, the journal moved to be published from Geneva, and later to England (Azeez, 2023). 'Kurdistan' is a milestone in the history of Kurdish media, its publication paved a path for other Kurdish-language journals and newspapers to be produced in Kurdistan and abroad.In 1912, "Roja Kurd" a monthly journal was published by the Kurdish youth group 'Hevi' in Istanbul (Ryan, 1944). However, only three issues here were published before it became restricted (ibid). Abdul Rahim Rahmi Hakari (1890–1958) was one of the early Kurdish poets, he published his early modern poems in Zhin magazine in Istanbul before the Kurdish language was banned in Turkey following the establishment of the Turkish Republic (Bozarslan et al., 2021). Government policy towards the Kurdish language has historically followed a pattern of systematic suppression, to the point that in 1924, Kurdish educational institutions, publications, and even conversations were prohibited, the terms "Kurd" and "Kurdistan" were declared illegal, and instead, the term "Mountain Turk" emerged and numerous places were renamed with Turkish appellations as part of this governmental policy (Allison, 2018(. The practice of banning the Kurdish press would continue throughout the 20th century. Therefore, Kurdish literature and its various genres did not have any opportunity to develop in Turkey until the early 1990s (ibid).Kurdish journalism in IranIn Iran, the first Kurdish text to be printed was a Kurdish-Persian dictionary that appeared in 1885. It was not until 1921 and the nationalist efforts of Simko Shikak that Kurdish texts began to emerge more widely. Simko Shikak had led a nationalist movement amid two concurrent dynamics – the weakening of the Qajar state in Kurdish areas in Iran during the First World War, and the rising nationalist discourse coming from Kurds in the Ottoman Empire. Simko's movement resisted Iranian political centralization. To pursue his political goals, Simko used modern tools recommended by Haji Qadiri Koyi – journals and newspapers. In 1921, Simko seized a printing press in Urmiye. With the help of Abdulrazzaq Bedirkhan, he published 'Roji Kurd'. After Simko Shikak died in 1922, the government of Iran would go on to ban all non-Persian publications. Until the abdication of Reza Shah in 1941, Kurdish groups had to publish underground in Tabriz. The greatest efforts following Simko's were done by Komalay Jiyanaway Kurd, a modern political organization that also published a journal entitled 'Nishtman'. Nishtman enjoyed relatively wide distribution from an enthusiastic audience. The journal's motto was 'Long live Greater Kurdistan', and it graced the front page of all 12 issues. In the first issue of Nishtiman, published in July 1943, they declared the creation of greater Kurdistan as their aim. The journal published Kurdish texts and poems, the organization's constitution, and articles on Kurdish history (Gunter, 2018).Kurdish journalism in IraqAfter the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, Iraq emerged as one of the newly established nations encompassing the southern portion of Kurdistan (Bozarslan et al., 2021). Unlike Turkey and Iran after World War I, Kurds in Iraq in the 1920s enjoyed relative freedom of the press. The first printing press in Kurdistan, called 'The Government Press' was set up in Suleymaniah by the mandate British government. Certain British officials stationed in Kurdish territories, such as Major Soane and J. C. Edmonds, encouraged educated Kurdish elites to produce literature in their native language (ibid). They advocated for Kurdish language promotion and organized competitions to encourage the creation of the best short stories written in pure Kurdish (ibid). One of the main nationalist leaders of this era was Sheikh Mahmud Barzinj, who organized multiple revolts against the British and Iraqi governments during the inter-war period. For Sheikh Barzinj, the printing press was a valuable intellectual possession. Between 1920 and 1923, his government published six books, 18 issues of the weekly journal 'Peshkewtin', 14 issues of 'Bangi Kurdistan, and 16 issues of 'Roji Kurdistan', all of which contributed tremendously to the promotion of the Kurdish language. <blockquote>Issue 3 of Bangi Kurdistan proclaimed the printing machinery as a very effective means for the unification of a nation's thoughts and feelings, and to protect the sciences and literature of a people.</blockquote> Other efforts were made by nationalist Huzni Mukriyani, who bought a printing press and used it to print 23 books, the magazine 'Zari Kurmanji' and the weekly journal 'Runaki'. Another effort was Piremerd's, a patriotic poet. Piremerd opened a publishing house in 1926 and began publishing the journals 'Jin' and 'Jian', which contained short stories, poetry, newspaper articles, and sketches.Kurdish journalism in SyriaFigures like Celadet, Kamaran, and Sureya Bedirkhan were exiled from Istanbul in 1919, during Ataturk's War of Liberation. Thereafter, they moved their nationalist efforts to Syria. Throughout the 1930s to the mid-1940s, the Bedirkhan family and the Kurdish intelligentsia exiled to Syria made grand contributions to the Kurdish language and journalism. The first Kurdish book published in Syria appeared in 1925. In 1932, Celadet Bedirkhan launched the socio-political and literary magazine "Hawar" from Damascus. Hawar was the catalyst for a broader movement, as it popularized the Latin alphabet systematized by Celadet himself. Hawar's 20th issue declared that Kurmanji was no longer purely an oral language, but that it had become a written language. Another significant effort occurred in 1941 with the introduction of the magazine "Ronahi," catering to Kurdish readers in Damascus (Bozarslan et al., 2021). Utilizing the Latin alphabet, the Bedirkhan family clandestinely transported journals like "Hawar" (Cry) (1932–43) and "Ronahî" (Light) (1935) from French Syria into Turkey (ibid). Later, Kamaran Ali Bedirkhan introduced "Roja Nû" (New Day) (1943–6), further advancing Kurdish literature within Kurdish communities and internationally (ibid). These publications featured notable works by Osman Sebri, Qedri Can, Nureddin Zaza, Cigerxwîn, Ehmed Nami, and Kadri Cemil Paşa (ibid).ConclusionOne can conclude that Kurdish journalism developed during the Kurdish nationalist awakening of the late 19th and 20th centuries.&nbsp;Under the nation-states established after 1916, the Kurdish language itself was subject to systematic erasure, which only made the Kurdish language more central to Kurdish ethnonationalism. The banning of Kurdish in private and public spheres did not dissuade the Kurds, rather a transition from Kurdish as an oral language to a written one was made. Kurdish rose above local vernaculars. Kurmanji, especially, was organized and systematized with the Latin alphabet and popularized among the Kurds of Bakur and Rojava. In Iran and Turkey, determined efforts were made at times when the central state was weakest. In Iraq and Syria, Kurdish journalism could operate with the lax policies of the French and British mandates. Additionally, one can conclude that it was primarily nationalist actors, such as Sheikh Barzinj, Simko Shikak, and Celadet Bedirkhan, that largely developed printing in Kurdistan. They treated Kurdish journalism as a political and cultural project, which could advance the Kurdish national cause for liberation.The emergence of Kurdish journalism was not merely a response to linguistic suppression. It&nbsp; also acted as a catalyst for Kurdish nationalist movements. Journals like "Hawar," "Ronahi," and "Roja Nû" not only disseminated information but also fostered a sense of Kurdish identity and solidarity among dispersed communities. The Kurdish nationalist awakening and publications in Kurmanji and Sorani created a linguistic base that became the foundation for Kurdish ethnonationalism. Kurdish journalism helped the spread of the written Kurdish language, and this led to the emergence of written literature in Kurdish. This linguistic revolution fostered a shared language among many groups who were previously speaking in their local vernaculars. In this way, a shared spoken and written language brought about a sense of belonging among those who could understand it and speak it. Hence it could be argued that it was journalism that paved the way for Kurdish ethno-nationalism.Today, Kurdish journalism remains crucial in the ongoing struggle for Kurdish rights and recognition. Despite persistent challenges, Kurdish journalists continue to play a vital role in documenting Kurdish history, advocating for linguistic rights, and amplifying Kurdish voices on the global stage. In essence, the story of Kurdish journalism is one of resilience, determination, and defiance against oppression.References:Allison, C. (2018). From Benedict Anderson to Mustafa Kemal: Reading, Writing and Imagining the Kurdish Nation. [online] OpenEdition Books. Available at: https://books.openedition.org/ifeagd/2217?lang=en [Accessed 2 May 2024].Amir Hassanpour (1992). Nationalism and Language in Kurdistan, 1918-1985. San Francisco : Mellen Research University Press.Arslan, S. (2015). Language Policy in Turkey and Its Effect on the Kurdish Language.Azeez, H. (2023). Kurdish Journalism Day: Why April 22 Matters. [online] The Kurdish Center for Studies. Available at: https://nlka.net/eng/kurdish-journalism-day-why-april-22-matters/ [Accessed 2 May 2024].Gareth R &nbsp;V Stansfield, Shareef, M. and Oxford University Press (2017). The Kurdish Question revisited. New York, Ny: Oxford University Press, Copyright.Gunter, M.M. (2018). Historical Dictionary of the Kurds. Rowman &amp; Littlefield.Hamit Bozarslan, Cengiz Gunes and Veli Yadirgi (2021). The Cambridge History of the Kurds. Cambridge University Press.Hassanpour, A., Sheyholislami, J. and Skutnabb-Kangas, T. (2012). Introduction. Kurdish: Linguicide, resistance and hope. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, [online] 2012(217), pp.1–18. doi:https://doi.org/10.1515/ijsl-2012-0047.HRW (2021). &nbsp;IX. RESTRICTIONS ON THE USE OF THE KURDISH LANGUAGE. [online] Hrw.org. Available at: https://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/turkey/turkey993-08.htm.Kreyenbroek, P.G. and Allison, C. (1996). Kurdish culture and identity. London ; Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Zed Books.Lawrance Ryan, B.M. (1944). Bibliography of the Kurdish press. Journal of The Royal Central Asian Society, 31(3-4), pp.313–314. doi:https://doi.org/10.1080/03068379408731142.Naimark, N.M. (2003). State Identities and the Homogenisation of Peoples, Heather Rae (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 372 pp., $65 cloth, $24 paper. Ethics &amp; International Affairs, 17(1), pp.172–174. doi:https://doi.org/10.1017/s089267940000839x.Özlem Belçim Galip (2015). Imagining Kurdistan. Bloomsbury Publishing.Sheyholislami, J. (2021). The History and Development of Literary Central Kurdish . Cambridge University Press.Vali, A. (2019). The Forgotten Years of Kurdish Nationalism in Iran. Springer.

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