The Kurdish National Movement in Western Kurdistan from 1914 to 1957

Introduction 

West Kurdistan is a small part of Kurdistan that has been placed under the control of Syria. Like all other parts of Kurdistan, it has been placed under the control of a foreign state. Compared to other parts of Kurdistan, the amount of historical research done on West Kurdistan is little, and what is written about it has not exceeded an article or a study or a small booklet, which does not quench the thirst of the reader. Taking advantage of the sources of library, I thought it necessary and good for my research to be dedicated to the Kurdish national movement in West Kurdistan, because the oppression faced by that part of Kurdistan by the hands of the Syrian authorities must be highlighted. Expressions of national identity such as language and cultural traditions are illegal and political meanings are attached to them. It is very important for our future generations to know that this part of Kurdistan just as the other parts has struggled for freedom and independence. 

         This paper consists of three main parts: the first part is devoted to a historical gateway to the introduction of West Kurdistan and the outbreak of World War I and the annexation of West Kurdistan to Syria by France, the second part will be devoted to western Kurdistan after the independence of Syria and the role of the Kurds in the liberation of Syria, the third part will talk about the creation of the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Syria and its role in the Kurdish liberation movement. 

Part One: A Historical Gateway 

Kurdistan is a separate and recognized geographical region, backed by the Zagros and Taurus Mountain ranges, which extend south to the plains of Mesopotamia and north to what was once Armenian Anatolia (1). 

The Kurds of West Kurdistan are part of the Kurdish nation, and the Kurdish regions of northern Syria are part of Kurdistan. They follow the same traditions, culture and religion as the Kurds of other parts of Kurdistan (2). Most of the Kurds within Syria live in the areas of Jazzira and the Kurd Mountains (Kurd-Dagh) and Kobane (3), many others live in Aleppo, Hama and Damascus (4). The Kurdish population in West Kurdistan is about one million. They speak Kurmanji Kurdish, which is spoken mainly in Kurd-Dagh and Jazira. Despite the attempts to dissolve them, they continue to have a strong sense of national identity which transcends beyond the borders of the country in which they live (5). 

After the Battle of Chalderan in 1514 between the Ottomans and the Safavids, Kurdistan was divided between the two empires and this division and occupation of Kurds continued throughout the centuries. In the 20th century, Kurdistan was divided between the modern and sovereign states of Iran, Turkey, Syria, Iraq and the Soviet Union (6).

After the end of World War I (1914-1918), the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the division of its territories among the European occupying forces, according to the decisions of the Treaty of Sykes-Picot in 1916; a part of Kurdistan was linked to the French controlled mandate of Syria  similar to the other three parts of Kurdistan that were linked to Turkey, Iraq and Iran (7).

The Sykes-Picot Agreement created the conditions for the division of Kurdistan according to the interests of Western countries, which eventually deprived the Kurds of their right to self-determination and independence and denied the Kurds their natural rights (8). 

After that, most of the decisions of the treaty were repeated in the Treaty of San Remo, which was signed on April 26, 1920. During that time (1918-1920) the Syrian state was declared under the leadership of Faisal son of Hussein (9). 

The Kurdish national issue arose in the eighteenth century, before the establishment of the states that now legally and administratively control Kurdistan. The issue arose in the shadow of both the Ottoman and Persian empires, and it became a prominent issue, Some clear references to the Kurdish issue were made in the international treaties such as the Treaty of Sevres (1920) and the Treaty of Lausanne (1923), it became an international issue again and faced the League of Nations from 1924 to 1925 (10).

After the decision of the Lausanne Congress in 1923, Kurdistan was divided into four parts. A 375 km long line was drawn between Turkey and Syria without any natural obstacles. After the failure of the Sheikh Saeed Piran revolution in north Kurdistan in 1925, many families fled to west Kurdistan, among them were some prominent Kurdish activists and intellectuals such as Qadri Jamil Pasha, Akram Jamil Pasha, Jaladet Badrkhan, Kamiran Badrkhan, Osman Sabri, etc. They among many others continued their struggle for the development of Kurdish national thought and the struggle for Kurdistan's freedom. The Kurds of West Kurdistan, like all other parts of Kurdistan, tried to convey the voice of the Kurdish protesters to the League of Nations and the world public opinion and called for help for the oppressed Kurdish people (11). 

The Kurds of West Kurdistan played a significant role in the Sheikh Saeed Piran Revolution, especially those on the border. The Kurdistan Independence Association, which led the Sheikh Saeed Piran Revolution, held a meeting in Aleppo in 1924 to draw up a plan against the Turkification policy that The Turkish state had taken against the Kurds and the Kurdish regions (12). 

After the defeat of the Sheikh Saeed Revolution, West Kurdistan became a refuge for Kurds from Northern Kurdistan who had fled to West Kurdistan due to the violent policies of the Kemalists in Turkey (13). 

The Kurdish national movement in West Kurdistan manifested itself in the form of cultural, social and sports associations and clubs. Also, the Khoyboun party from the very beginning of its establishment in the first congress of Qamishlo in the house of Qadur Beg in 1927, which consisted of 23 patriotic personalities, formulated the national thought in both political and cultural wings, Especially in North Kurdistan and South Kurdistan (14).

The Khoyboun party was based in Aleppo and Hasakah and played a major role in the Ararat Revolution. In Syrian cities, the party established several social, artistic, cultural and sports clubs that served the Kurdish national movement. intellectuals and educated people in the party worked for the victory of the Ararat Revolution and the recognition of the legitimate rights of the Kurdish people (15). 

We could say that the reasons for the rise and development of national consciousness in West Kurdistan are as follows:

1.     The division of Kurdish territories by the invaders against the will of the Kurds.

2.     Continuous chauvinist policies by members of the Young Turks, the Torani and the Kemalist movements against the Kurdish people through mass killings, deportations and ethnic oppression.

3.     The silence of the international community in the face of the suffering of the Kurds and the neglect of their rights, especially after the signing of the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923 and the absence of the Kurds in the events and in the drafting of the documents.

4.     The non-recognition of the existence and rights of the Kurds in West Kurdistan in the documents of the first congress of Syria, and in the protocols of the French colonial administration in Syria, and in the Syrian Republic after gaining independence and even in the protocols of the Syrian national or Islamic or communist parties. These factors resulted in the rise and development of national consciousness in West Kurdistan (16).

With the victory of the Kemalist Turkish armed forces over the Ararat Revolution, the Kurds of North Kurdistan were subjected to the most brutal wave of oppression and torture by the Turks and after the year 1932, thousands of Kurdish families faced displacement, and some fled to west Kurdistan (17). 

After the defeat of the Ararat Revolution, Kurdish revolutionaries in West Kurdistan continued their struggle to raise awareness among the people by focusing on cultural and media related themes. On 15/5/1932, they published a social political and literary magazine named (Hawar), Jeladet Badrkhan was the owner and editor. The magazine was published and banned occasionally until July 1943. In 1941, another magazine called (Ronahi) was published by Jaladet Badr Khan and became available to Kurdish readers in Damascus. Kamaran Badrkhan also published a magazine called (Ster) written in Latin letters that continued publishing until 1945. The Kurds of West Kurdistan especially the ones that settled in Damascus played a significant role in the Kurdish struggle (18). 

In Syria a more favourable situation was created for the development of Kurdish national cultural life. Jaladet Badrkhan, a prominent Kurdish national figure played a leading role in this field. We can see that the French policy regarding the Kurds was different from the British policy against the Kurds living in Iraq, France viewed the Kurds as an important tool to use against the Arabs that opposed the French rule and against the Arab nationalist centres that refused to recognize any rights of the Kurds (19).

However, Kurdish national forces actively participated in the anti-French movement. Kurds naively believed in the promises of Arab nationalists that they would fulfil their national demands after the expulsion of the invaders. Kurdish units led by (Ahmad Agha Baravi, Mohammed Sharif Kurdi and Mohiddin Kara Agha) played an influential role in the revolution of Sultan al-Atrash. Kurds also participated in the protests in Damascus, Aleppo, Hasakah and other cities (20). 

In the 1930s, Kurdish national sentiment in West Kurdistan began to strengthen and reached a certain stage and the basis for the development of the political situation of the Syrian Kurds, several political organizations, cultural committees were formed, and Kurdish publications emerged. (21). 

This was after the French moved many Kurdish intellectuals and politicians that lived in the areas near the border with turkey to Damascus, which led to a rise in national sentiment among the Kurds (22). 

The Dersim Revolution broke out in 1937 in the mountainous regions of Dersim, led by the chief of the Hassanan tribe, Sayyid Reza Dersimi, who had formed a union of tribes, the revolution was initially in Dersim alone but the fire of the revolution soon spread to the areas near the Syrian border and it was felt in West Kurdistan, a large number of Kurds from West Kurdistan participated in this revolution against the Kemalists in order to achieve freedom and independence for the Kurds (23).

In 1939, a Kurdish uprising broke out in West Kurdistan, led by Sheikh Ibrahim, in Kurd-Dagh (Kurd mountains). The peasants were the main driving force of this uprising and took a stance against nobility. The Syrians and the French helped each other to suppress this Kurdish revolution. This revolution was brutally suppressed and most of the Kurdish areas were destroyed and the inhabitants of Kurd-Dagh and Afrin were deported to Turkey. Thus, the situation of the Kurds in West Kurdistan was no better than that of their brothers in Turkey, Iraq and Iran. West Kurdistan did not have the space that other parts of Kurdistan had, but they continued their national struggle for freedom and independence (24).

Part Two: West Kurdistan after The Syrian Independence

In the late 1930s, the world situation was in turmoil. The fascist front was attacking countries and launching a widespread war. The Middle East, like most areas, was facing a terrible and uncertain future. The fighters in West Kurdistan were aware of the events and changes, and they carried out activities in various ways to take advantage of these events for the benefit of the nation, they had made contacts with strong Kurdish movements in other parts of Kurdistan especially with the leadership of Hiwa party in South Kurdistan and the Kurdish liberation movement in Eastren Kurdistan and in 1944, the representative of West Kurdistan participated in the Dalanapour Summit (25).  After the end of World War II in 1945 and the defeat of the fascist front, the peoples of Syria and Lebanon joined forces to expel foreign troops from their country and achieve full independence, alas on the 7th of April 1947 Syria gained its full independence and they were admitted as full members of the United Nations. Syria changed, national parties which were the true representatives of the country's bourgeoisie in terms of program and ideology took over the country and several well-known Kurdish personalities joined the staff (26).  After the independence of Syria, several Kurdish intellectuals and activists continued their efforts and activities, including (Qadri Jamil, Akram Jamil, Jaladet Badrkhan, Osman Sabri, Mamdouh Salim and Ali Agha Zalf) and until 1947 they continued their national and cultural work and activities under the name of the Khoyboun party. In 1946 to 1947 a number of Kurdish intellectuals were publishing the newspaper (Roja Nu) in Beirut (27). 

After Syria's independence and the withdrawal of France, the Kurds continued to form an important part of the army. Two coups were carried out in 1949 by leaders with Kurdish backgrounds. The first coup happened on the 30th of March 1949 by general Houssni Zaeem who relied heavily on minority groups in the army to provide security of the regime. It is believed that the CIA influenced the coup, when Zaeem began peace talks with Israel and was forced to accept US demands following the coup. In August of the same year Zaeem’s regime collapsed and he was executed. Adib al-Shishkali, who carried out a second coup in December 1949 and another in November 1951, is partly of Kurdish origin, although he does not describe himself as such. He imposed martial law on Syria and announced a new constitution in September 1953. His policy focused on creating an Arab-Muslim state, and Kurds, Assyrians, Armenians, and other minorities were governed by several decisions that prevented the use of their languages. Much of the laws were like those that came to being under the Ba'ath regime. For example, hotels, cafes, cinemas, etc. should be given only Arabic names, and only Arabic should be used at meetings, festivals or events, and Muslims should participate in the committees of minority organizations in equal numbers with non-Muslims (28).  Expression of Kurdish culture and history was forbidden in towns and villages, and Kurdish groups were outlawed. Despite Shishakli's efforts to establish Syria within the framework of the Syrian nation and the reality of Syria's religious and ethnic diversity, he publicly declared “Syria his current official name It is the country that encompasses the artificial borders drawn by imperialism” (29).

The Syrian domestic arena continued to be an open theatre for foreign intervention. Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, the United States, and the Soviet Union all competed for this political and regional opportunity. During this period, the Ba'ath Party was anti-system and radical, the ideological solution to the Syrian conflict, while defending Soviet-style socialism, the central principle of the party was the unity of the Arab nation. In 1954, Shishakli was ousted in a coup d'état. Parliamentary rule was restored to the 1950 constitutional form, which he had changed in 1953, although parliamentary rule had been restored, and political parties and the media could then work freely, but the government and people continued to become pro-Arab, anti-Western, and pro-Soviet (30). 

There was no positive change in the situation of the Kurds in Syria. Although the Kurdish national democratic forces actively participated in the movements against the French occupation in Syria, and participated in achieving independence for Syria, but contrary to expectations, their situation worsened. During the Intidab period, there were few opportunities for Kurdish national and cultural life, but with the coming to power of the Arab nationalists, these opportunities disappeared, because the implementation of the policies against the rise of the Kurdish nation was deliberate and effective. The Ethnic and economic difficulties had put great pressure on the Kurdish population (31). 

The illiteracy rate in West Kurdistan had reached 90% due to the lack of public schools in their areas and all the demands that the Kurds repeatedly raised to open schools were ignored. The Kurdish population also suffered from the spread of diseases due to malnutrition and poor health conditions and the lack of medical services, and agricultural problems remained unresolved. According to official figures in 1949, about 60 percent of the arable land in Jazzira and 90 percent in Kurd-Dagh belonged to a very small section of the nobility, as a result the situation of Kurds in West Kurdistan was at its worst (32). 

Part Three: The Formation of Kurdistan Democratic Party of Syria and its role in the Kurdish Liberation Movement

         After the fall of Adib Shishakli’s regime, a relatively democratic regime was established in the country, and Kurdish national and democratic movements were active in the late 1950s, especially in the second half of 1957, when there was a threat of a hostile armed attack by Turkey (33). 

The Kurdish national awakening in Syria, fuelled by state repression against the Kurds and the political uprisings and movements in the other part of Kurdistan mainly the Kurdistan regions of Turkey, Iraq and Iran in the first half of the 20th century, led to the formation of a party to lead the Kurdish liberation movement in Syria. That party was the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Syria (KDPS) (34).

In August 1957, the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Syria (KDPS) was established for the first time in the history of West Kurdistan as a contemporary organized party. KDPS was based on the principles of "democratic centrality". The founding committee of the party included Nuraddin Zaza, Hamid Darwish, Osman Sabri, etc. Nuraddin Zaza was chosen as the party's leader. The rise of KDPS and the gathering of the national classes around it had a strong impact on the lives of the Kurdish masses and brought about a significant turning point in the political course of the Kurds in Syria (35). 

The most important principles that the party had and worked for were:

1.     The party linked the struggle for the rights of the Kurdish population to the general democratic struggle in the country.

2.     The party considered it necessary to include respect for the Kurdish national rights in the constitution, along with respect for their customs and national characteristics.

3.     Allowing them to work in the country's institutions and to have social organizations (36). 

4.     They emphasized the unification of all other parts of Kurdistan (37).

The emergence of a party that would organize the energies of the Kurdish fighters was logical and realistic, to lead them in carrying out their national duty, to present their demands and to prepare them to participate effectively in the democratic struggle and rebuild Kurdish-Arab relations and laying a new foundation for the recognition of the rights of the Kurdish people (38).

The Kurdish party wanted to represent the Kurds, promote them culturally and educationally, and counter the anti-Kurdish sentiment that was growing within the Syrian state and the general public. The growth of Kurdish nationalism and Kurdish efforts to preserve their identity was seen as a threat to the cultural growth of Arab nationalism and Arab governments, which in turn increased Arab fear of the Kurdish political intentions in Syria, especially since the word "Kurdistan" appeared in the party's program (39). 

The Kurdistan Democratic Party of Syria (KDPS) was established as a national party led by representatives of different sectors within thew Kurdish society. They were literate and had high nationalistic feelings. Representatives of several organizations and social clubs became members, including the Kurdish Democratic Youth Association, Azadi Organization and some cultural clubs. Hence, it was natural for the party to have members from all sectors of the Kurdish society and to unite them with one goal, which was the national goal (40).

After the Kurds of Western Kurdistan established the Democratic Party, they became the target of repression by the Syrian state, which carried out propaganda campaigns against the Kurds, accusing Kurdish nationalists of being pro-Jews and Western imperialism, and spreading propaganda that Kurds were traitors and separatists, Kurds within the Syrian army were expelled, members of Kurdish political parties and organizations were arrested and were taken to court. The Syrian regime prevented Kurds from having an identity, banned the Kurdish language, and prevented the publication of songs in Kurdish (41).

Opposition to the Kurds in West Kurdistan by racist Arabs continued to increase, especially after Syria and Egypt merged under Jamal Abdul Nasser in 1958, bringing Syria under foreign control during the existence of the United Arab Republic. A massive campaign against the Kurds and the communists began in 1960. In the offensive against the Kurds known as the Great Campaign, Colonel Saraj led the suppression of the Kurdish national movement led by KDPS, hundreds of party members and associates, as well as 36 members of the party's leadership, were arrested, imprisoned, and trialed on charges of attempting to divide Syria and membership in an illegal political organization (42).  

The emergence of the Kurdish armed movement in Iraq led by Mustafa Barzani in September 1961 which demanded autonomy, further intensified the racist policy of the Arabs in Syria against the Kurds. Syria took every possible measure to prevent the Kurds in Syria from activating a Kurdish national movement in West Kurdistan, all Kurdish gatherings were banned, and large numbers of Kurds were imprisoned, the Kurdish language was banned in schools and strict surveillance was imposed on the borders with Iraq. Furthermore, Syria took every measure to prevent news of the events happening in Iraq to spread to Syria (43).

One of the brutal massacres that happened as a result of the policies that the Syrian authorities carried out against the Kurdish nation was the burning of 380 Kurdish children in a cinema hall.  The massacre happened as the following, on 30/11/1960, 380 Kurdish children were taken to watch a movie in a cinema in the city of town of Amuda in Hasakah, the cinema caught fire and most of the children burned to death, it is suspected that the fire was lit deliberately and when the fire broke out, the cinema staff left the building and closed the door to prevent any children from escaping. Any person involved in this crime was motivated by anti-Kurdish feelings (44). 

In November 1962, according to Decree No. 93 dated August 23, 1962, the Syrian government conducted a census in Hasakah province, which deprived 120,000 Kurds of Syrian identity and citizenship rights. This policy of depriving Kurds of civil rights continued in the coming years. In addition, the Kurds had to be relocated from their villages and replaced by Arabs. In fact, the establishment of the so-called Arab backbone in Jazzira, which was dedicated to replacing Kurds with Arabs, was only an implementation of the Arab policy of discrimination and racism against the Kurdish nation (45).

These policies formed the basis of the Arabization program, which aimed to separate the Kurds of West Kurdistan from the efforts of the Kurds of South and North Kurdistan and to change the demographic character of the Kurdish regions so that Arabs formed the majority (46). 

Conclusion

As a result of writing this study, we concluded that:

1.     The Kurds of West Kurdistan are part of the Kurdish nation, and the Kurdish regions of northern Syria are part of Kurdistan's geographical area. The Kurds of West Kurdistan follow the same traditions, culture and religion as the Kurds of other parts of Kurdistan.

2.     After the end of World War I (1914-1918) the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the division of its territories among the European colonial powers, according to the decisions of the Treaty of Sykes-Picot in 1916, a part of Kurdistan (West Kurdistan) was linked to French colonized Syria just as the other parts of Kurdistan that were linked to Turkey, Iraq, and Iran.

3.     After Syria gained independence in 1947 and ended the French rule, there was no positive change in the situation of the Kurds in Syria, although the Kurdish national democratic forces actively participated in the fight for Syrian independence, but contrary to expectations, their situation worsened, their deprivation of their national rights increased. 

4.     The Kurds of West Kurdistan have been a great supporter of the revolutions in North Kurdistan and have participated in the revolutions of Sheikh Saeed Piran and the revolution of Ağrı Dagh, and when these revolutions failed, the people of North Kurdistan were sheltered and assisted by the Kurds of West Kurdistan.

5.     In August 1957, the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Syria (KDPS) was established for the first time in the history of West Kurdistan as a contemporary organized party and it was based on the principles of "democratic centrality", The rise of KDPS and the gathering of the national classes around it had a strong impact on the lives of the Kurdish masses and brought about a significant turning point in the political course of the Kurds in Syria. 

Sources 

1.     Harriet Montgomery: Kurds of Syria: An Existence Denied, Translated to Kurdish by: Mina Peshawa, 1st edition, Ranj Printing House, Sulaimani, 2009, p. 15

2.     Othman Abdulrahman Smail: Kurds in Syria – A Geographical, Political and Cultural Study, First Edition, Khani Printing House, Duhok, 2009, p. 82

3.      M. S. Lazarev: History of Kurdistan, translated to Kurdish by Hoshyar Abdullah Sangawi, second edition, Rojhelat Printing House, Erbil, 2010, p. 385

4.     Vladimir Lutsky: The Syrian National Liberation War 1925-1927, translated to Arabic by: Dr. Muhammad Diab, reviewed and presented by: Dr. Masoud Daher, first edition, Dar Al-Farabi, Beirut, 1987, p. 91; Dr. Khalid Isa: Kurds under French Occupation – A Page in the Political History of West Kurdistan, and: Salam Abdulkarim, Chawarchra Printing House, Vol. 1, Sulaimani, 2012, p. 26

5.     Karim Yildiz: Kurds in Syria, a forgotten people, and: Shaho Qadir Khanzadeh, Sardam Publishing House, first edition, Sulaimani 2009, p. 17,56.

6.     Harriet Montgomery: s. p,  p. 15

7.     Salah Badraddin: The Kurdish National Movement in Syria: A Critical Perspective from Within, e-book, 2003, p. 8

8.     Karim Yildiz. P,  p. 31

9.     Ahmad Saeed Barzanji: Sykes-Picot and the Polarization of the South Kurdish Issue, 2nd Edition, Sulaimani, 1998, p. 15

10.   Salah Badraddin: s. p,  p. 8

11.   Fatih Rasul: The History of the Left ideology in Kurdistan, Second Edition, Chawarchra Printing House, Sulaimani, 2005, pp. 384-385.

12.  Ahmed Abdel-Baqi Ahmed: The political role of nationalities in Turkey, “the Kurds,” a case study, unpublished master’s thesis submitted to the Institute of Cultural and Socialist Studies, Al-Mustansiriya University, Baghdad, 1989, p. 75.

13.  Dr. Abdulrahman Qasemloo: Kurdistan and Kurds: A Political and Economic Study, translated by Abdullah Hassanzadeh, Peshawar Center, 1973, pp. 98-99.

14.  Salah Badraddin: s. p, pp. 14-15

15.  P. Wadi Juwayda: The Kurdish National Movement, its Foundations and Development, translated by assistant professor Yasin Sardashti, 1st edition, Sima Printing House, Sulaimani, 2008, p. 450 

16.  Salah Badraddin: s. p, pp. 16-17

17.  Awara Hussein: Kurds and a State, 1st Edition, Sima Printing House, Sulaimani, 2010, p. 134

18.  Fatih Rasul: s. p, p. 387

19.  M. S. Lazarev: s. p, p. 386

20.  Ibid, p.387; Salah Badraddin: s. p, p. 23

21.  Renas: Establishment of the Syrian State and the Kurdish Problem in Syria, translated from French by Khani Sharafkandi, Hiwa Magazine, No. 7, Paris, Autumn 1990, p. 80 

22.  Ghazi Hassan: About Kurdish culture in a hundred years, translated by: Abdul Hamid Zebari, first section, “Gullan Al-Arabi” magazine, issue “47”, Erbil, April 2000, p. 68.

23.  Dr. Hamid Mahmoud Issa Ali: The Kurdish Problem in the Middle East, Cairo, 1992, p. 37.

24.  M. S. Lazarev: s. p, p. 388

25.  Faith Rasul: s. p, p. 387 

26.  Ibid: s. p, p. 389

27.  Awara Hussein: s. p, p. 134

28.  Harriet Montgomery: s. p, p. 47

29.  Ibid, p.48

30.  Ibid, p.48

31.  M. S. Lazarev: s. p, pp. 547-548

32.  Ibid, p. 548

33.  M. S. Lazarev: s. p, p. 549

34.  Harriet Montgomery: s. p, p. 50

35.  Salah Badraddin: s. p, p. 28

36.  Fatih Rasul: s. p, p. 390

37.  M. S. Lazarev: s. p, p. 549

38.  Faith Rasul: s. p, p. 390

39.  Salah Badr al-Din: West Kurdistan / A brief historical, political and documentary study, Kawa Association for Kurdish Culture, Beirut, 2000,  p. 57.

40.  Harriet Montgomery: s. p, p.50

41.  Salah Badraddin: The Kurdish National Movement in Syria: A Critical Perspective from Within, s. p, pp. 31-32

42.  Harriet Montgomery: s. p, p. 52

43.  M. S. Lazarev: s. p, pp. 550-551

44.  Harriet Montgomery: s. p, p. 52

45.  M. S. Lazarev: s. p, p. 551

46.  Harriet Montgomery: s. p, p. 53