Kurdish Regional Government in the Iranian Academia- Part 2

Introduction

The first part of this study explains that most of the Iranian scholarship on the KRG focuses heavily on geopolitical and security threats. Often, the KRG is portrayed as a project supported by the United States and Israel that threatens Iran’s national security. Furthermore, Iranian scholars frequently describe federalism in Iraq as an unstable model, intensifying concerns about its implications for Iran’s ethnic minorities. While some studies view the KRG as a regional opportunity, the majority adopt a threat-based perspective, particularly regarding the 2017 independence referendum. Overall, Iranian academic discourse tends to frame its national security concerns through regional leadership dynamics and internal ethnonational politics, rather than through scholarly inquiry.

The second part of this article examines how Iranian academia represents the KRG or Southern Kurdistan’s influence on Eastern Kurdistan (Rojhelat). This topic occupies a distinct space in Iranian scholarly output; Among 103 peer-reviewed articles published in Iranian academic journals over the past decade, 23 directly address the KRG's impact on Kurdish politics and discourse in Rojhelat and the perceived threat to Iran’s national security. The central question of this article is: How do Iranian academic institutions analyze Southern Kurdistan’s role in the Kurdish question in Iran?

Broadly, these studies categorize the KRG’s influence on Rojhelat into two domains:

Political-Security threats: encouragement of political demands by Rojhelat’s Kurds toward the Iranian central government, and the security concerns these developments pose for Iran’s national stability.
Socio-Cultural impacts: the KRG’s impact on the development of Kurdish cultural identity in Rojhelat and the growing social interconnectedness across the border between the two parts of Kurdistan.

Nationalism, Federalism, and Autonomy: Bashur as a Political Model

As discussed in the first section regarding the conceptualization of federalism in Iraq within Iranian academic discourse, the studies often perceive the role and authority of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) as an artificial and imposed system due to the Iraq’s multiethnic composition, its alignment with American democratic agendas and the regional domination of the West, and hence, the KRG is regularly viewed as a source of regional threat—particularly in the aftermath of the Kurdish independence referendum in the Kurdistan Region (Hatami & Saniar 2017; Khaterkha & Pustchini 2022; Farzinrad et al. 2019), as well as the growing ethno-cultural demands of Kurds in Iran (Sajjadi & Amjadian 2011: 70; Pishgahi-Fard & Nasrollahzadeh 2012: 196; Hafiznia 2006: 33).

To the extent that the developments in Southern Kurdistan are reflected onto Eastern Kurdistan, Iranian academia maintains the belief that the establishment of a federal system in Iraq and the inclusion of most Kurdish areas under the KRG have elevated federalism as a powerful political paradigm among Kurds in other parts of the Middle East. This political, economic, and cultural evolution has contributed to the shift in the discourse of Kurdish parties and opposition groups in Iran—from calls for “autonomy” to demands for “federalism.” Emphasis is placed on the fact that, in recent years, following the institutionalization of federalism in Iraq and the establishment of the KRG, Kurdish opposition groups in Iran have increasingly advocated federalism as a political and ethnic solution for Iran’s future (Pishgahi-Fard & Nasrollahzadeh 2012: 196). Another study argues that “after the formation of federalism in Iraq, federalist ideas and demands became the main strategic discourse of many Iranian Kurdish parties and even some Kurdish and non-Kurdish elites have supported this aspiration” (Mohammadi et al. 2023: 91). This study also notes that “recognition of Iranian Kurdish opposition parties in Iraqi Kurdistan due to their ethnic and linguistic affiliations enables them to more rapidly expand their influence and activities among Iranian Kurdish society” (Ibid, 94).

A key theme in Iranian scholarship is the perceived impact of Southern Kurdistan’s emergence as a political entity on shaping Kurdish nationalist aspirations in Iran. Iranian researchers emphasize that the creation of the KRG has revitalized Kurdish national identity and strengthened Kurdish political culture across the broader Kurdish geography (Bahadori 2016; Pishgahi-Fard & Nasrollahzadeh 2012: 203). A scholar defines the Kurdish areas of the Middle East as part of a “Kurdistan System,” viewing the Southern Kurdistan as the center or core of this system, since 1991 functioning as a regional pioneer and dynamic force for Kurdish nationalism (Hafiznia 2006: 23–30). In fact, the political, cultural, media, and economic developments in the KRG have drawn the attention of Kurdish public opinion in other parts of Kurdistan. Accordingly, some scholars conclude that the internationalization of the Kurdish question and the establishment of formal and media ties, increasing political, cultural, and economic demands are among the results of these influences (Pishgahi-Fard & Nasrollahzadeh 2012: 203–204). And, Southern Kurdistan is now becoming “a center for promoting and exporting such ideas to neighboring countries” (Hafiznia 2006: 22). For these reasons, scholars view Southern Kurdistan’s impacts on Iranian Kurds as a serious threat, arguing it has intensified “separatist” and “nationalist” tendencies among Kurds in Iran (Bojmehrani & Poursalami 2016; Sajjadi & Amjadian 2011: 73), which poses “a challenge to Iran’s national security and territorial integrity” (Farzinrad et al. 2019: 205).

In addition, scholars attribute a portion of nationalist and autonomist sentiments in Rojhelat to a growing awareness of the KRG’s developmental achievements compared to Rojhelat’s underdevelopment under a centralized state. They argue that the proximity of the KRG to Rojhelat, combined with local underdevelopment and poverty, especially in Kurdish provinces, fosters negative implications for Iran’s national security (Nasri & Rezaei 2020; Kiani & Amiri 2019; Mottaghi 2016). Therefore, in their view, the best solution to counter the dangers posed by KRG autonomy or the risk of independence lies in improving living standards in Rojhelat and border regions through economic and cultural development, as well as increasing local Kurdish participation in economic and administrative governance (Nasri & Rezaei 2020: 51–52).

According to these studies, the impact of the KRG transformed the scope of Kurdish political engagement in Iran. Several studies note the influence of Southern Kurdistan’s achievements on raising political expectations, electoral behavior, and the articulation of demands by ethnic movements and popular protests in Rojhelat against the centralized Iranian state. For example, in the parliamentary domain, it is argued that political developments in the KRG even influenced Kurdish reformists. During the 2005 Iranian presidential elections, Kurdish reformist movements reportedly presented some demands to candidates included formal Kurdish-language education, the return of exiled Kurds to Kurdistan, freedom of Kurdish press, halting regional underdevelopment, and increasing regional and national political participation, all of which were shaped by the experience of federalism in Iraq (Mohammadi et al. 2010: 132). 

The political influence of the KRG is also evident in events such as the 2005 Mahabad unrest, the formation of a Kurdish parliamentary faction composed of both Shia and Sunni MPs—prioritizing national identity over sectarian affiliation—, the public enthusiasm in Rojhelat (especially in Sanandaj and Mahabad) at the declaration of federalism in Iraq and the election of Jalal Talabani as Iraq’s president, and, conversely, the subsequent decline in Kurdish participation in Iran’s Islamic Consultative Assembly (2003), parliamentary elections (2004), and the 2005 presidential elections. All of these are interpreted as examples of the KRG’s advancing political influence (Hafiznia 2006: 23; Mohammadi et al. 2023: 95; Mohammadi et al. 2010). On this subject, another researcher has concluded that:

“The recent developments in Iraqi Kurdistan have politically disillusioned the Kurds from participating in the elections of the Islamic Republic, and from a security perspective, have further radicalized Kurdish national rights movements in certain Kurdish cities. All of these have had a direct impact on the stability of Iran’s western border regions” (Kiani & Amiri 2019: 13).

Iranian academia holds the belief that the primary threat posed by the autonomy and potential independence of the KRG concerns Iran’s national security, as political and social mobilization in the border regions—potentially “increasing the political and cultural demands of the Kurds in Iran against the central government” (Farzinrad et al. 2019: 205). Therefore, the majority of these studies interpret the influence of Southern Kurdistan on Rojhelat through a negative lens and propose various political, security, and cultural recommendations to mitigate these impacts and restrain the growth of nationalist movements in Rojhelat.

Cross-border Connections: Socio-cultural Impacts

Apart from political and security discourse, Iranian academia simultaneously emphasizes the cultural and social implications of the KRG’s political and cultural development on Eastern Kurdistan. According to analyses, a significant part of these effects has been facilitated by social ties and Kurdish media, which intensified after the institutionalization of the KRG. Rojhelat and Southern (Bashur) Kurdistan have long-standing and reciprocal social connections, including family relations—especially among border towns and villages—, ethnic and sectarian overlaps, and shared cultural and social legacies. These connections were reinforced after the KRG’s political and economic transformations and the relative openness of Rojhelat during the reform era (1996–2005) (Hafeznia 2006: 22). Moreover, what strengthens this dynamic is "the presence of linguistic, cultural, and emotional ties between Iraqi Kurds and Kurdish-inhabited regions of Iran on one hand, and the legal-political authority of Iraqi Kurds on the other" (Bozhmehrani & Pour-Eslami 2014: 106).

The cultural development of the KRG has had a visible impact on the cultural identity of Kurds in Iran. The KRG’s influence in terms of intellectual life and the promotion and dissemination of Kurdish culture and identity is widely acknowledged. Examples include the establishment of hundreds of schools and several universities that educate Kurdish students from various parts of Kurdistan; the widespread publication of Kurdish-language print media on diverse socio-political topics; hosting numerous conferences and seminars to honor scientific, intellectual, and political Kurdish figures; and inviting literary and intellectual elites from other parts of Kurdistan. According to Iranian researchers, this cultural flourishing has constructed an idealized image of Kurdistan among Rojhelat Kurds, leading them to imagine a similar future for themselves inspired by Southern Kurdistan’s cultural production. Thus, from a cultural perspective, the KRG’s autonomy has the potential to strengthen Kurdish identity and culture and to intensify political and cultural demands toward the central Iranian government (Hafeznia 2006: 22; Mohammadi et al. 2010: 143). In this context, one study cites the "Galawêj Festival" as an example, stating:

“The organization of literary, artistic, and cultural festivals in Iraqi Kurdistan—and the facilitation of Iranian Kurdish artists’ participation in annual programs such as the Galawêj Festival—as well as invitations and support for Kurdish music groups from Iran, and their widespread promotion via television broadcasts from the Kurdistan Region, all function as a soft and symbolic challenge to the Islamic Republic” (Bozhmehrani & Pour-Eslami 2014: 104).

The scholarship also highlights the KRG’s media capacity and the openness afforded to media activity as major drivers behind the internationalization of Kurdish-related issues, including those concerning Kurds in Iran. The territory of the KRG has become a hub connecting Kurdistan with international and state systems, international and local media, NGOs, and intellectuals. In fact, the shared linguistic and cultural identity has made KRG-based TV channels—especially since their significant expansion after 2005—more attractive and influential among Iranian Kurds, who often lack such cultural outlets. These Kurdish media outlets have familiarized Rojhelat audiences with the history, politics, and culture of Kurdistan, thereby weakening, to some extent, the internalized sense of "Iranian-ness" among the younger generations in Eastern Kurdistan. Furthermore, the broadcast of news and content regarding Kurdish activism via domestic, regional, and global satellite channels has contributed to raising awareness and intensifying nationalist demands among Iranian Kurds (Hafeznia 2006: 23; Bozhmehrani & Pour-Eslami 2014: 103).

 In general, Iranian academia emphasizes that the establishment of numerous Kurdish radio-television channels, media networks, and the launch of thousands of Kurdish websites and blogs—with cultural, political, and historical relevance to Rojhelat—has played a significant role in this process. Accordingly, these studies conclude that the political trajectories and developments in Kurdish regions of the Middle East intersect with one another. They are bound by shared cultural, emotional, intellectual, and political affinities, such that any fundamental change in one part will inevitably affect the others.

Conclusion

The analysis examines the multifaceted impact of the KRG on Eastern Kurdistan (Rojhelat), focusing on both political-security and socio-cultural dimensions from the Iranian academic perspective. Iranian scholars identify the KRG as a significant political actor that has encouraged Kurdish demands for federalism and autonomy within Iran, thereby raising security concerns for the Iranian state. The institutionalization of federalism in Iraq and the KRG’s achievements have inspired Kurdish opposition groups in Iran to shift from autonomy to federalism demands, contributing to heightened nationalist and separatist sentiments. Politically, these developments have affected Kurdish electoral behavior and protest movements, challenging Iran’s territorial integrity.

Culturally, the KRG’s advancements in education, media, and cultural events have strengthened Kurdish identity and social ties across the border. Kurdish-language media and cultural festivals foster a shared sense of nationalism, which Iranian scholars view as potentially undermining Iranian national cohesion. The proliferation of Kurdish media outlets from the KRG serves as a vehicle for raising awareness of Kurdish issues and expanding nationalist discourse in Rojhelat. Consequently, Iranian academia frames the KRG’s socio-cultural influence as a “soft challenge” that complements its political impact, intensifying pressures on Iran’s western border regions and complicating national security.

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