The Kurdistan Regional Government in Iranian Academic Research

Introduction

Since its establishment, the Kurdistan Regional Government (henceforth, KRG or Bashur) has consistently represented a geopolitically contentious issue for the Iranian state. At the regional level, the KRG’s position within Iran’s geopolitical landscape in the Middle East—as well as its potential to disrupt or balance regional power of that state—has rendered it a focal point of Iran’s foreign policy considerations. Concurrently, internally, the Kurdish question within Iran and the Bashur’s political and cultural influence over Iranian Kurdistan (henceforth, Rojhelat) have endowed the KRG with special significance for Iran, often perceived as both a security and/or cultural threat. 

As a result, research on various dimensions of the KRG – whether through security apparatuses or within academic and cultural institutions in Iran – has been the subject of considerable analytical attention. Although the KRG began to emerge as a subject of scholarly interest in the early 2000s particularly within Iranian academia, the quantity, scope, and thematic diversity of research on its political, cultural, economic, geographic, and security dimensions have significantly expanded in recent years. 

Despite this growing body of work, these studies from the perspective of scholarly discourse production remain underexplored. This article aims to address this scholarly gap by surveying research outputs from Iranian universities. The sample comprises articles published in Persian-language journals between 2006 and 2024. Two core research questions include: 1) How is the KRG analyzed in terms of its historical, political, economic, cultural, and security dimensions? 2) How do Iranian studies assess Bashur’s role and impact on the Kurdish question in Iran?

This first part of the study is devoted to answering the first question. The second part will examine the influences of Bashur on Eastern Kurdistan, as understood through Iranian academia.

General Features of the Research Sample

The total number of scholarly articles related to the KRG published between 2006 and 2025 amounts to 103 cases in Persian-language journals. The central themes of these publications encompass geopolitics, politics, Iranian national security, the Region’s economy, history, and sociocultural issues. Many of them fall within multiple categories or address intersecting themes; hence, for instance, 42 articles (41%) center on geopolitical matters, 39 articles (38%) on security concerns—particularly in relation to Iranian Kurdistan, 4 articles (4%) on sociocultural topics, 3 articles (3%) on history and archaeology, 5 articles (5%) on Islam and religion, 39 articles (40%) on politics in the KRG, 3 articles (3%) on economic development and planning, and 8 articles (9%) on the 2017 independence referendum.

Historical and cultural studies about the development of the KRG and the broader Kurdish question in Iraq, and the KRG’s political structure are rare in Iranian academia. These works are frequently undertaken by Kurdish students and scholars from either Eastern or Southern Kurdistan studying in Iranian universities (e.g., Qaderzadeh & Ali Mohammad, 2022; Ghorbaninejad, 2019; Mobarakshahi et al., 2021; Valadbeigi et al., 2022). As such, part one devotes greater attention to the geopolitical, political, and security aspects, with part two focusing on the sociocultural implications of Bashur on Eastern Kurdistan. This focus reflects the dominant trends within the existing literature that are shown in the following table.

KRG as Opportunity/Threat

As previously noted, a considerable number of journal articles examine the KRG through a geopolitical lens, analyzing its institutional formation and implications for Iran at the regional level. A part of the significance of the theme is rooted in the geopolitical position of Kurdistan at the intersection of four Middle Eastern states – Iran, Turkey, Syria, and Iraq – as well as its role as a geocultural corridor between Iran, Arabia, Anatolia, and the Caucasus. It also lies along an intercontinental route linking Asia, Europe, and Africa. Hence, while some studies briefly mention the Kurdish political movement and the historical struggle for self-determination in Southern Kurdistan, the majority focus heavily on how the KRG’s institutionalization as a political entity within federal Iraq intersects with international and regional geopolitical rivalries. From this perspective, the KRG is often viewed not as the culmination of the Kurdish national movement, but as an artificial political construct shaped and supported by U.S. and Israeli interests. 

Studies repeatedly emphasize that the KRG has emerged in the wake of new geopolitical realities following the collapse of the bipolar world order, the events of 9/11, and the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, which shifted regional strategies from preserving the status quo to transformative ambitions. Following the fall of the Baath regime in 2003 and the establishment of the Kurdistan Region laid the groundwork for new political dynamics, including expanded Israeli-Kurdish relations. Although official Israeli rhetoric often denies interventionist intent, Iranian scholars interpret such ties as part of a broader Zionist strategy to exploit the Kurds, weaken Arab states, destabilize Iraq, and create a zone of strategic threat surrounding the Islamic Republic of Iran (e.g., Rouhi 2014: 129; Hosseini 2012; Akhavan Kazemi & Eizi 2011; Khaterkhah & Poustchini 2022: 26; Pour Roshan 2018: 362). Several studies openly accuse the KRG of acting as an “Israeli geopolitical heartland” or “Israeli proxy” (e.g., Janati Mohebb 2012; Hosseini 2012; Heydari et al. 2018; Rezaei 2015).

According to the examined sample, from the standpoint of Iranian foreign policy, U.S. regional dominance and the growing presence of Israel are viewed as long-term threats to Iran’s national interests. Following the collapse of the bipolar world system and the subsequent invasion of Iraq, and the growth of U.S. regional power, the KRG has been regarded as a geopolitical adversary of Iran—one through which the United States and Israel project influence in ways that undermine Iranian national security.

On the contrary, some studies identify the KRG as a geopolitical and regional opportunity within Iran’s planning and strategic vision for the Middle East. These studies portray the situation in such a way that rapprochement with the KRG helps Iran establish geopolitical balance at both national and regional levels and confront the penetration of the United States, Israel, and its regional rival, namely Turkey, particularly in the context of economic power dynamics. At the same time, friendly relations are seen as enabling the KRG to escape geopolitical isolation and take steps toward economic development and political stability (Afzali 2024: 283; Zibakalam & Abdollapour 2012; Masoudnia et al. 2018:38, 58).

Another portion of the literature investigates the issue of federalism in Iraq, the challenges posed by its ethnic composition, the KRG’s gains, and the threats perceived to Iran’s national security. Few studies attempt to analytically and objectively assess the framework of federalism in Iraq and the structure of the KRG, failing in distancing themselves from politically or ideologically biased positions, particularly in relation to Iranian national security (e.g., Mobarakshahi et al., 2021). According to many of these scholars, federalism_ emerging as a novel configuration in the region_ resonates with the broader U.S. plans for advancing democracy and federal governance in the Middle East. It is therefore viewed as a serious concern for many of Iraq’s neighboring states, which do not operate under democratic systems. Moreover, the potential collapse of Iraq and the likelihood of Kurdish autonomous governments gaining full control is considered a concern for some regional states such as Iran, Turkey, and to a lesser extent, Syria (Sajedi & Amjadian 2011: 70; Pishgahi Fard & Nasrollahzadeh 2012: 196).

As a result, certain studies emphasize the structural limitations of federalism, the complexities of ethnic and national issues, and the unstable political environment to argue that the federal political system in the Middle East is artificial, unsustainable at the domestic level, and fraught with political, economic, and social crises. These scholars cite the example of fragmented regions as evidence (Badiyi et al. 2017; Biyouk & Akrami Nia 2020; Saei & Moradi 2011). According to this view, a strong and stable central government, particularly one led by Shi’a political forces, is considered the most effective political and governance solution for countering American and Israeli regional strategies, which also could be synchronized with Iran’s regional strategies.

At the national level, these studies also suggest that federalism poses a threat to the security of neighboring countries. Within this research trajectory, the political and cultural dimensions of federal power in Iraq are often analyzed in relation to the Kurdish question among neighboring states—a topic explored in more depth in part two. Here it is important to note that research conducted in Iranian universities generally portrays Iraq’s federal government and the KRG’s authority as serious threats. In this context, Iranian researchers identify two primary risks to Iran stemming from the Kurdistan Region of Iraq: first, the potential presence and activity of Iranian opposition groups in that area; and second, the influence of the Western powers and, more significantly, the United States in the KRG. These studies argue that the political, economic, and cultural demands of ethnic groups in Iran are clearly affected by Iraq’s federal constitution, especially the demands of the Kurds and Baluchis, which resemble the privileges granted to ethno-religious groups in Iraq. Researchers highlight that many individuals and cultural-political elites, drawing attention to Iraq’s ethnic conditions following the adoption of the new constitution, have amplified their demands and expressed dissatisfaction with Iran’s current situation (Pishgahi Fard et al. 2010: 249; Sajjadi & Amjadian 2011: 74; Hafiznia 2006: 33). Consequently, these researchers, in their policy and security recommendations, consistently focus on strategies and plans to prevent the spread of separatist tendencies from Bashur into Rojhelat.

In this regard, the issue of Southern Kurdistan’s independence and the 2017 referendum constitutes another major theme in the literature. Out of 103 studies examined, 14 articles directly address the causes and implications of the KRG’s efforts for independence. While these articles recognize the national aspirations of the Kurds as a historical factor in shaping the discourse around independence and the referendum, they largely emphasize the complex geopolitical dynamics of the Middle East, regional interference by the U.S. and Israel, as well as the KRG’s economic and political crises (Hatami & Sanyar 2017; Sobhani et al. 2021; Malihi 2021). These studies argue that, at the regional level, the KRG’s referendum received formal support only from the Zionist regime (Farzin Rad 2019: 205). Moreover, in light of Iran’s current internal circumstances and the interests of powerful actors hostile to Iran_ such as the U.S. and Israel_ it is anticipated that the independence of Iraqi Kurdistan could intensify separatist sentiments among Kurds in Iran (Mottaqi 2016: 41). Therefore, in line with the regional strategy and foreign policy of the Iranian state, the majority of these studies interpret the Kurdish independence movement and the referendum in Bashur not as an authentic historical or political demand of the Kurds, but rather as part of broader regional powers’ strategies.

Conclusion
Despite the fact that the reviewed studies – produced by students, professors, and experts from various branches of the humanities and social sciences – are presented as academic articles and research efforts, many of them are ideologically driven, politicized and ahistorical, and shaped by a nationalist bias rooted in Iranian interests regarding the Kurds, Kurdistan, and particularly Bashur. Rather than adopting a critical, analytical, or strategic perspective, these works often reflect an anxiety-ridden, security-oriented approach, aimed at countering the perceived political-cultural threat posed by the KRG to Iran. They frequently seek to reframe emerging opportunities in a way that supports Iran’s regional political and security strategies, especially in Iraq and the broader Middle East. Ultimately, many of these studies culminate in a series of policy recommendations aligned in this regard.

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